Chapel Hill Stands Out In Conservative State

Many conservatives like Seawell viewed Chapel Hill, the epicenter of campus activism in North Carolina, then as they do now -- a dark spot on a state map dominated by those of similar political persuasions.

On the other side, many liberals see Chapel Hill and the Triangle as symbolic of an emerging progressive movement within the state.

Others think the divide is minimal and between moderates from both parties. As thousands migrate to the state and the Triangle, the historical divide between liberal and conservative could be changing.

The Great Divide

Just as the state has divided itself along technological, economic and racial boundaries, it also appears to be divided on the political front between a traditionally conservative state and a more liberal Triangle.

To some analysts, such a divide has persisted for all of recent memory. UNC political science Professor Thad Beyle said Chapel Hill and the surrounding region always has been more liberal than the rest of the state. "It's always been true," Beyle said. "When I came here in 1964 it was true."

Evidence of a distinct progressive mood in the region abounds in nearly every facet of Triangle politics from U.S. Rep. David Price, D-N.C., to Carrboro Mayor Mike Nelson, the state's first openly gay mayor.

Beyle noted that North Carolina's fourth district House seat, currently held by Price, which covers large portions of Durham, Orange and Wake counties, always has been home to the state's most liberal member of Congress.

But some see the divide much more subtly.

John Aldrich, a political science professor at Duke University, said the divide could be exaggerated. "The Triangle is not the Democratic bastion," Aldrich said. "The state is fairly evenly divided between the two parties, and the Triangle is too."

Aldrich said the split ideology is better described as being between a moderate Triangle and a conservative state.

Aldrich and Beyle both noted that Raleigh's election of a series of conservative mayors, such as Tom Fetzer and Paul Coble, could be indicative of a political divide within the Triangle between the traditionally more liberal Durham and Orange counties and a fairly conservative Wake County.

The Liberal Triangle

Reasons for the divide are varied, but the most common are racial and economic. "The history of the South has led it down a different path," Aldrich said. "The most conservative people in the South tend to be poorer. That's why Jesse Helms' support is stronger in the east."

Wake Forest University political science Professor Jack Fleer suggested that region's political bearings might be impacted by Raleigh, the seat of state government. "In the case of Raleigh, you have a large number of government employees there," Fleer said. "They're people who are more likely to view government more favorably."

All three analysts cited the area's close academic ties and a high minority population as the factors most responsible for the Triangle's leanings.

A Changing State

Bill Cobey, chairman of the N.C. Republican Party, said the liberal nature of the Triangle, especially of Chapel Hill, is entrenched in the university community.

"People across the state love Chapel Hill, but they hate the politics that comes out of there."

While change might not necessarily happen quickly, it likely will occur as the population of the state and the Triangle explodes and thousands of new residents pour in -- bringing their own political leanings.

Beyle said that during his tenure at the University, newcomers to the area have made it more politically balanced. "A lot of people are moving (to the Triangle) and bringing their Republicaness from the Northeast and Midwest with them," Beyle said.

Cobey agreed that Republicans were gaining strength in the Triangle. "Here locally, there was no respect for Republicans, and you were treated like an outcast, and now you're treated with respect."

But Cobey said the great number of liberal Democrats associated with the area's universities and Durham's large minority population make it difficult for his party to grow in the area.

Cobey said the party was instead focusing on trying to grow in other areas of the state, like in the East and in the suburban areas of Charlotte.

Cobey said his party is set to grow even further because of a large number of young people involved.

Like Cobey and the Republicans, the Democrats are banking on younger generations to increase party membership.

Barbra Allen, chairwoman of the N.C. Democratic Party, said popular, young leaders in the state such as Sen. John Edwards and Gov. Mike Easley will keep support for the Democrats strong in the future.

Allen said recent Cabinet appointments made by President Bush point to the Republican Party moving to the far right of the political spectrum. "As the Republican Party becomes ultra-conservative, you'll see people beginning to switch parties (to the Democrats)."

Moving to the Center

Allen said her tenure in state politics has been characterized by more people becoming political moderates.

Fleer echoed Allen's sentiments. He said immigration has caused the greatest increase in the number of independent voters in the state. He also added that the election of people like Edwards, who had held no post in the Democratic Party before his election, could signal a declining importance of political parties.

Both Cobey and Allen admitted that they had seen party strength decline somewhat but said that the two parties still play a vital role in state politics.

Allen said the N.C. Democrats' strategy was to reach out to this increasing number of moderate voters. This has been the approach taken by both parties in recent years to gain the support of of an increasing number of moderate voters. "I think the moderate approach is the best to take," Allen said. "I think it's a moderate state. It always has been, and it always will be."

The State & National Editor can be reached at stntdesk@unc.edu.